My father, Fadaian Islam, The Muslim brotherhood, and the history of terrorism in Iran: The British terrorists?
My deceased father faced conviction for multiple "offenses" following the 1979 revolution in Iran. Beyond his affiliations with the monarchy, his principal "offense" was delivering a compelling speech in support of Prime Minister Mansour after his assassination by the terrorist organization Fadaian Islam. This ostensibly straightforward familial narrative has significantly influenced my comprehension of the political dynamics in both Iran and Australia.
It’s striking how personal narratives intersect with historical moments. My father reflected later on his pivotal speech. His cautious glances, ensuring confidentiality, added weight to his words and implied the significance of that moment: “It was the best lecture I have ever given”. For him, it was not just any speech; it was a testament to bravery during a tumultuous era, where the stakes were incredibly high. His stance against the "terrorists of British MICix" indicated a profound commitment to his beliefs, risking his safety to fight for what he perceived to be the right side of history. His courage and clarity of purpose during such chaotic times reflect a powerful legacy that, upon reflection, highlights the complexities of loyalty, bravery, and moral conviction in the face of overwhelming pressure.
Mansour was a notable progressive and pro-American Prime Minister. As mentioned earlier, his assassination resulted in his replacement by Hoveyda and triggered an internal coup within SAVAK, marked by a leadership change. The Fadaian Islam, led by a young cleric named Safavi and commonly referred to as the Fadaian, was a terrorist group significantly influenced by the Muslim Brotherhood. A close examination of this group's actions uncovers various "contradictions" in their selection of victims and their proclaimed policies. Recognizing these "contradictions" serves as a vital tool for identifying infiltrations within a group. This principle similarly elucidates the actions of the Tudeh Party, which have at times deviated from their foundational ideas and overall policies.
Analyzing the power dynamics between Hoveyda and Mansour requires an understanding of a strict British protocol regarding severe punishment for individuals defecting from the British side to the American side. There are several reasons for this approach, though they extend beyond the scope of this discussion. For simplicity of reference, in future we will call it protocol of “Narcissistic Rage”.
Interestingly, the British seem to tolerate—or even encourage—defections toward Russia or China. This is partly due to their confidence that they might have the opportunity to reclaim and utilize the defector later. In contrast, there is much less of such confidence regarding defections to the U.S. which also present much higher risks, as espionage against a key ally like the U.S. could lead to considerable controversy. It’s worth mentioning the previous hypothesis that the British have employed SAVAK members and individuals with ties to Iran to gather intelligence in allied countries, showcasing the complexities of such diplomatic relations and the nuanced approaches to espionage.
The familial connections between Hoveyda and Mansour, along with their shared background in the Novin Party and Anglophile sentiments, create a compelling narrative in understanding their dynamics. Hoveyda's swift transition upon arrival in France, where he was supposed to study, before disappearing to the UK for a while, merits deeper exploration.
Our hypothesis suggests that Mansour may have attempted to sever ties with his roots and shift allegiances toward the American side. This move could have been seen as a betrayal in the eyes of those still loyal to British interests, potentially leading to severe repercussions from the powerful elements within the MICix.
The story of Safavi and his opposition to and action against the government of Dr. Mossadegh who nationalized Iran's oil industry is known to everybody but let's have another look at the profiles of some of his victims after we review parts of his biography: He was the person who introduced a clergy (who later become a very high ranking Ayatollah) to the "Brotherhood" and their ideas and they spent long hours together in discussion and visited him in Qom on a number of occasions during the 1940s.
Safavi traveled to Egypt and met Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood. Notably, "Banna" translates to "mason" in Arabic, which has sparked various rumors regarding masonic connections within the Brotherhood. In the last chapter, I discussed how among the MIC and specifically the "pirates of the old navy," there exists a practice of using names as a secretive yet powerful means to identify allies—someone referred to as Mason, for instance. Perhaps more intriguing is the fact that Safavi was employed by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company for a period. With this context established, let's explore the profiles of some of the Fadaian's victims.
Razmara was the highest-ranking figure in the Iranian military educated in France. He was married to Sadegh Hedayat's sister and was assassinated by the Fadaian. Meanwhile, Hedayat was in France when he died under suspicious circumstances, particularly after his request for a British visa was denied. This occurred a short time following Razmara's assassination and the nationalization of Iranian oil.
Razmara was negotiating a deal that could have awarded Iran a significant share of what is now BP, with rumors suggesting he was pursuing a 50% stake. Remarkably, the day after Razmara was assassinated, the Iranian parliament passed the nationalization of the oil industry, which ultimately resulted in Iran receiving very little in its dealings with BP—unlike the Saudis who secured substantial control over Aramco. Given that the British were already plotting a coup, it's plausible that eliminating a powerful Francophile like Razmara was part of their strategy.
Abdolhossein Hazhir, another victim of Fadaian, was a prominent figure in Iran's political landscape during a tumultuous period marked by oil nationalization efforts and foreign influence. As Prime Minister, he prioritized addressing the pivotal issue of oil control, especially concerning the British-Iranian Oil Company, which had long dominated Iran's oil resources.
Under Hazhir’s leadership, the Ministry of Finance took a decisive stance by investigating the oil-related disputes and violations committed by the British-Iranian Oil Company. This investigation was spearheaded by oil experts in collaboration with officials such as Nizamuddin Emami and Hossein Pirnia. Their collective efforts culminated in a comprehensive 25-article plan that highlighted various grievances against the oil company, addressing concerns over exploitation and legal violations.
Recognizing the need for expertise in navigating the complex oil industry and legal framework, Hazhir sought the approval of the Iranian parliament to recruit foreign specialists. This included inviting a French expert, aiming to bolster Iran's position and competency in discussions about its oil rights. Hazhir's strategies demonstrated a commitment to reasserting Iran's sovereignty over its natural resources, though his tenure was tragically cut short by assassination.
"Heiat Motalefeh" represented the ongoing legacy of the Fadaeeian. To understand the extent of British influence in the upper echelons of the Iranian government, readers are encouraged to examine the role of members of "Heiat Motalefeh" in the subsequent political landscape of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In a later section, I will present a compelling hypothesis regarding another terrorist organization that perpetrated attacks against several American diplomats and civilians prior to revolution.
It may come as no surprise that the first act of terrorism in Iranian history was also committed by a person who had ties to the Muslim Brotherhood. This connection highlights a continuum of violence, extending from the first terrorist act in Iran to the attacks on the World Trade Center in the United States, and ultimately to the emergence of ISIS. Throughout this evolution, the MICix-affiliated group has played a significant role. The first act of terrorism in Iran's modern history was executed by Mirza Shirazi, who had close ties with several members of the Babi movement. The target was Naser al-Din Shah, the Iranian monarch. This followed a prior unsuccessful assassination attempt attributed to the Babi movement. Historians have documented undeniable connections between the assassin and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.
Any individual with ideological or religious fundamentalist beliefs can serve as an effective instrument for MICix. When a person's moral framework permits the justification of killing or acts of violence, they become susceptible to manipulation and misinformation from MICix, potentially leading them to carry out precisely the unlawful acts that MICix intends.
Interestingly, many terrorist organizations exhibit similar connections. The mechanisms for infiltration and control across these groups are largely consistent. The essential requirement is that the political or religious cult must endorse violence as a legitimate means to achieve their objectives. Secrecy and the insular nature of such "cults" further facilitate this dynamic. Notably, the Baha'i faith, as an evolved form of the Babi faith, has actively sought to excommunicate members who engage in political activism. Examples include Abdolkarim Ayadi, identified as a significant arms dealer linked to the British, and Parviz Sabeti, associated with SAVAK, as discussed previously. Nevertheless, this very clever effort did not protect the Baha'is from the brutal protocols of MICix, which resulted in severe injustices and violations of their basic human rights. This will be explored further in the forthcoming sections on the victimization of minority groups.
The British Narcissistic rage, their "Wedge Protocol" and alternate hypothesis regarding coup of 1953
Expressing favorable sentiments about two opposing groups that harbor intense animosity toward one another is unlikely to result in the placation of either faction; rather, it may lead to mutual animosity from both parties. We begin with a cautionary note directed at the ardent supporters of the aforementioned groups, indicating that the forthcoming content is likely to provoke significant annoyance among them.
We will examine the conflicts and potential areas of convergence among various factions and nations within the framework of a “conspiracy theory” termed the "Wedge Protocol."
Readers who have been influenced by the media's biased narratives and the fictitious historical accounts propagated by British historians often view the former Iranian king (may he rest in peace) and Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh as adversaries. We will critically examine this perception and introduce the concept of a strategy employed by the British military-industrial complex, referred to as "the Wedge protocol."
In other sections of this book, the author references a visit by the former Iranian monarch, whom he designates as the "father of modern Iran," to Australia, where he was hosted by an Australian Prime Minister referred to as the "father of modern Australia." I highly encourage readers to seek out and carefully listen to the recorded discussions from both parties. several crucial insights are summarized below.
In his speech, Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam highlights the accomplishments of the Iranian monarch as valuable lessons for Australia, including the nationalization of the oil industry, which many historians attribute as a significant achievement of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh. The first significant lesson from this historical event, which is also supported by The Alam diaries [x], is that the king was equally invested in Iran's national interests regarding the oil industry as his Prime Minister. Ultimately, he was the individual who appointed Mossadegh to that position.
The same diaries recount an instance in which the Shah, after criticizing the Iranian faux leftists, humorously remarked to Alam that "we are the true socialists here." Those acquainted with his "White Revolution" would acknowledge that the redistribution of land from feudal lords to impoverished peasants has not been achieved even in self-proclaimed communist nations. Given that the Australian Prime Minister belongs to the Labor Party, it prompts a more rigorous examination of the concepts of left and right in this context.This is particularly significant, as the use of left and right ideologies serves as one of the most potent tools within the "Wedge protocol" employed by the British Military-Intelligence-Industrial Complex (MICix).
The author envisions a vast library of thousands of protocols and scenarios generated by the MICix, structured around two opposing sides, A and B. They only need to substitute A and B with two individuals, two political parties, two branches of a religion, or two parallel security agencies to implement their strategies. Once an activist ventures beyond the preferred "polarized" environment established by the MICix, they become immobilized, as they can no longer rely on the old library of Wedge Protocols. In next sections we discuss a number of occasions that the author believes the Wedge Protocol has been used by the MICix.
By 1953, the British were experiencing an intense state of narcissistic rage as numerous intellectuals and politicians from traditional Anglophone families, including the Shah and Prime Minister Mossadegh, shifted their allegiances toward the Americans. The author reminds readers of harsh punishment for such individuals being a standard British protocol.
The author previously referenced "Nemat the Idiot," the Head of SAVAK, and noted the likelihood of British involvement in leveraging him during a subsequent internal coup within SAVAK. Here, we hypothesize that in 1953, he was employed as a "wedge" to drive a divide between the Shah and Prime Minister Mossadegh. The author also posits that the 1953 coup was not a unified operation between the United States and the United Kingdom, but rather constituted two distinct coups: one orchestrated by the UK and the other by the US.
The author refrains from reiterating information readily accessible online and instead refers readers to various sources that assert either the document dismissing Mossadegh is fraudulent or that it was subsequently inscribed on a blank royal letterhead signed by the Shah. The author accepts the aforementioned as factual and hypothesizes that Nasiri was misled and deceived by the British, receiving “subliminal messages” suggesting that his assistance in these fraudulent activities could elevate him to prominent positions, potentially even enabling him to succeed the Prime Minister. The author accepts the aforementioned as factual and hypothesizes that Nasiri was misled and deceived by the British, receiving “subliminal messages” suggesting that his assistance in these fraudulent activities could elevate him to prominent positions, potentially even enabling him to succeed the Prime Minister.
The Shah's departure from the country and lack of direct communications with Mossadegh facilitated in persuading him that Mossadegh sought to depose him, lending credibility to the second letter appointing Zahedi. Notably, Zahedi's and Nasiri’s differing alliances are significant, particularly given Zahedi's ties to a respected nationalist pro-American family( will discuss later years of his son, Ardeshir Zahedi, as a true patriot) . Consequently, the author argues that the initial coup orchestrated by the British and Nasiri was meant as a punitive measure against the Shah, driven by a form of narcissistic rage as previously discussed. In contrast, the subsequent coup just days later was orchestrated by national pro-American factions aimed at reinstating the Shah to power.
In the preceding section, we mentioned Ardeshir Zahedi as a genuine patriot and here encourage readers to seek out one of his last interviews, in which he expresses pride in the new generation of forces in the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a relative of the Shah's family, he held significant roles, including that of ambassador in US as well as foreign minister, prior to the revolution. His candid and courageous remarks demonstrate that he transcends the concept of a "regime," recognizing that Iran's national interests take precedence over any particular form of governance.
The author previously hypothesized that the revolution was superficial, noting how members of SAVAK committed atrocities to undermine the Shah's regime and provoke confrontations between the populace and the only organization truly loyal to the Shah: the army. They will elaborate on how, after the revolution, similar British infiltrations within Iranian police and security forces have perpetuated the SAME actions. It is these police and security entities that arrest, torture, and kill innocent victims, only to step back as the “mafia of media” stirs public sentiment against those who were NOT responsible for the initial crimes. History, it seems, repeats itself. The author intends to discuss further how, in their view, the blood of countless innocent Iranians killed during various recent uprisings is on the hands of the British Military-Industrial Complex.
The British Military Intelligence Industrial Complex and mass execution of Iranian political prisoners
Upon the author's arrival in Australia in the early years of the new millennium, he was granted free access to the internet, which allowed him to observe, for the first time, a notable absence of any reference to the aforementioned mass executions in the media. This observation lingered in his mind until several years later, when he began to propose on various social networks the hypothesis that these events, akin to a systematic elimination of intellectuals, might represent a coordinated operation involving the British military-industrial complex and their infiltrators within Iranian intelligence. At that time, the author regarded this hypothesis as tenuous and merely sought to understand why the Western media maintained complete silence on the issue. However, shortly after his initial posts, several media outlets began to address the topic. Initially, he attributed this development to coincidence, yet he soon recognized that the BBC, in particular, had taken an interest in the matter. Notably, he observed a pattern: each time he posted about it, the BBC responded promptly, often attempting to counter the implications of MIC involvement. Subsequently, he learned about tactics employed to "paralyze" internet discourse, wherein material is published in such a way that search engines systematically suppress certain web pages, rendering them nearly invisible to the public. This response from British media suggested to the author that he had indeed uncovered something significant. With his expanded understanding of the protocols employed by the military-industrial complex, he posits that his hypothesis is now considerably well-supported.
Just as the British once perceived Hitler as a savior against the Soviet Union, they had similarly forged alliances with Iranian Islamist-fascists during the final years preceding the collapse of the Soviet Union. During this time, the British military-industrial complex (MIC) and their associates in SAVAK—which I refer to by its pre-revolution name—sought a "final solution" to the threat posed by far-left groups. A notable strategy employed by the MIC involves recruiting and training individuals from within these leftist organizations. They understand that only under extreme duress would a rational person willingly accept the rigorous demands of this "training." The author has identified numerous potential recruitment sites for the MIC, including prisons, refugee camps, and processing islands, where an atmosphere of utter terror is cultivated. Within this environment, victims are presented with a singular opportunity for relative relief: to respond to subliminal messages specifically crafted to "train" them. Among these potential locations, prisons housing political prisoners—especially those at risk of execution—are regarded as the most conducive settings for such operations.
Another prevalent protocol of the MIC is the strategic disappearance of individuals from their societies. These individuals often become presumed dead, travel overseas, or otherwise vanish, allowing them to continue their work under new identities. This tactic aligns with the earlier hypothesis regarding SAVAK personnel either remaining or returning to Iran after the revolution.
When we integrate these elements, it becomes clear how this methodology serves as a flawless protocol for training spies. They are indoctrinated through severe training regimens and then discreetly removed from the prison, leading others to believe they have been executed. This deception not only protects the spies but also facilitates the continuation of their operations undetected. However, it's important to acknowledge a tragic reality: many executions did occur. Countless individuals—among them the brightest and most promising children of Iran—were silenced for saying "NO" to oppression and tyranny. Their sacrifices serve as a somber reminder of the grave consequences of such covert operations and the human cost behind state-sanctioned secrecy and manipulation.
In 2022, the author found themselves disheartened, watching how the so-called "free media" of these alleged "liberal democracies" reported on a misguided individual captured by forces seemingly tied, directly or indirectly, to the MIC. This individual—an unfortunate scapegoat—was portrayed as responsible for horrific crimes, effectively diverting attention from British MICix who were truly culpable.
This scenario exemplifies a masterful cover-up operation, where the real architects of oppression can distance themselves from their actions by creating a narrative that shifts blame onto an easily maligned figure. It is a troubling reminder of how media can be manipulated to serve powerful interests, allowing systemic injustices to persist while leaving the actual perpetrators unscathed.
The author also confronts the troubling actions of members of security apparatus corrupted by the British MICix in destruction of graves belonging to the aforementioned political prisoners and minority groups. While some might naively interpret this as a sick form of revenge against deceased opponents, the reality is far more complex.
The deliberate disturbances and concealment of these graves are closely tied to efforts to obscure the truth surrounding these individuals, potentially undermining any DNA tests that could confirm whether the presumed bodies are actually buried there. This tragic act not only disrespects the memory of those who were heroes in their fight for justice but also serves to protect the identities of a select few collaborators—that the author refers them to as "Kapos”.
The term "Kapo" is deliberately used here and highlights a historical reference to individuals in concentration camps who were aligned with the oppressors. This situation indicates that the tactics employed by the British MIC were first conceptualized a long time ago. The readers will be shocked when they are told when, where and how. Ultimately, these grave disturbances represent a chilling erasure of history, ensuring that the narrative remains favorable to those in power while the true heroes remain hidden in obscurity.
MICix and victimizing minorities in Germany, Argentine, Australia, and Iran
This protocol involves infiltrating minority groups, including organized religious structures, to conduct false flag operations under their guise. This is reminiscent of MICix's use of "being Iranian" as a cover as discussed earlier. A highly proficient espionage agency that is likely to have used above protocol in the mentioned countries is the British agency. Secret societies, cults, and minority religious infrastructures can readily serve as platforms for such activities.
The most detrimental action involves intelligence operatives adopting the guise of members within minority groups. In the final chapter, I will discuss various cover protocols and the multilayered disguises utilized by MICix. Scientifically and psychologically, there are numerous reasons explaining the effectiveness of these methods.
The notion that all the egregious acts committed by a "civilized" European nation, specifically the Germans, stemmed solely from unfounded hatred of Jews is an oversimplification. A critical inquiry must be made regarding the source of this animosity toward the Jewish population. The prevailing belief among Germans was that Jews were perceived as betraying Germany. My hypothesis suggests this perception arose because British MICix agents, deemed immoral and irresponsible, were using a Jewish cover or even enlisting Kapos for espionage. Furthermore, I contend that this is not the only instance in which British MICix has exploited and victimised a minority group and the author posits that the same protocols are currently widely being employed to victimise political groups, minority religious, and LGBTQ communities.
The most effective way for individuals of Iranian descent to comprehend this issue is by comparing the German Jewish minority to the Baha'i minority or Freemasons in Iran. Prior to the revolution, numerous conspiracy theories circulated regarding the wealth and influence of Baha'is or Freemasons, akin to those associated with the German Jewish people. The underlying reality, however, is that MICix has infiltrated not only these minority religious groups but also minority political factions, utilizing some among them for espionage activities. While some members may appear to financially benefit from this association, these groups ultimately serve as victims under MICix's manipulation. The author has previously praised the Baha’i community in Iran for the best way of managing this protocol by actively excommunicating the members involved with MICix. Due to the intricate nature of MICix's espionage operations disguised under the banner of these groups, they become targets for government scrutiny or mainstream religious backlash, often paying a significant price. I assert that the animosity exhibited by Fascist Germans toward the Jewish population was largely a result of MICix infiltrating the German Jewish community and exploiting some individuals for espionage.
We previously examined the Wedge protocol utilized by MICix. The author contends that a notably "successful" application of this protocol was the hostility fostered between the Hojatieh and the Baha’i community. Readers are encouraged to research how segments of SAVAK under Sabeti manipulated narratives to frame clergy associated with the Hojatieh for unethical sexual practices. This tactic exemplifies the divide-and-conquer strategy that MICix has employed to create discord among minority groups.
As previously stated, I oppose simplistic conspiracy theories asserting that the British intentionally incite conflicts between minority groups for amusement. Instead, I believe there are compelling motives behind their actions. For instance, on a personal level, when attempting to spy on someone, they might inform or misinform a jealous partner about a potential affair between their partner and the target. By carefully constructing this narrative, they encourage the jealous partner to employ surveillance technology against the target, thus providing MICix with valuable data.
Expanding this concept to a larger scale, I hypothesize that MICix fosters conflicts between competing political and religious groups, prompting them to spy on one another. This results in a pool of information that is often loosely and unprofessionally collected under the supervision of a political or religious leader and is readily available for MICix to exploit. Consequently, information that could take numerous agents to gather can be accumulated by merely a couple of operatives.
Ultimately, I believe that the violence and lives lost in these inter-group conflicts bear the responsibility of MICix—an organization marked by its unethical practices and disregard for human rights and morals.
In a propaganda film about Stalin, the actor portraying him suggested that Fascist Germany erred in outright murdering minority groups. Instead, he advocated for a more insidious approach: subjecting these groups to harsh labor conditions until their deaths in hazardous environments. This perspective can be extended to MICix, which has escalated the level of victimization. They install individuals from these communities in high-ranking positions, which, in reality, are often hollow and fake (remind the readers of “Nemat the idiot”, head of SAVAK). This strategy allows MICix to manipulate and exploit these individuals, compelling them to engage in immoral and illegal activities. Ultimately, these victims find themselves used as scapegoats when things go awry. Author will posit that even some of the members of South African apartheid were being in fact victims of similar protocols themselves.
In Australia, similar tactics could potentially be employed within sensitive organizations, where individuals affiliated with minority religious groups might be manipulated to perpetrate acts of violence or discrimination against others, such as engaging in anti-Muslim sentiment. such a situation would be disastrous and deeply concerning. Fascist or far-right individuals within governmental agencies could hire members of minority groups who have faced significant pressure or trauma in their home countries. These individuals might already be struggling with feelings of anger and resentment, and if manipulated, they could be driven to engage in acts of violence or discrimination against Muslims as a misguided form of revenge. By fostering an environment of division, those in charge of this protocol can manipulate these individuals to enact harm while distancing themselves from the consequences. This strategy not only deepens societal rifts but also allows perpetrators to cloak their actions in a façade of legitimacy, creating a cycle of victimization and scapegoating that benefits those orchestrating the turmoil.
Such a scenario would demonstrate how sensitive organizations can be infiltrated and exploited, and how the manipulation of social tensions could lead to grave moral and ethical consequences within communities. The parallels drawn here serve as a stark reminder of the potential for history to repeat itself when vulnerability and division are exploited for ulterior motives.
For a long time, the author has sought to understand the roots of the crimes committed against him, delving into the infrastructure of governmental agencies that may be implicated in this systemic abuse. What has emerged as particularly intriguing is the possibility that these institutions have been utilized to disseminate narratives blaming various minority groups, including Jews, Baha'is, and others, for these crimes.
This form of scapegoating not only deflects attention from those truly responsible but also fosters an environment of mistrust and hostility toward minority communities. By perpetuating such narratives, government agencies and affiliated organizations can manipulate public perception, leading to increased discrimination and violence against these groups.
Understanding the mechanisms behind this manipulation is essential in combating the harmful effects of such narratives and in fostering an inclusive society where all individuals, regardless of their backgrounds, can live without fear of persecution or blame. The investigation into these injustices serves as a crucial step toward addressing the larger systemic issues at play and seeking justice for those affected.
AMIA bombing Case study: The British diplomat wanted for a crime against the Jewish population
What in the field of political science is called "fascism" has a corresponding psychological definition known as "group narcissism." We examined a British protocol referred to as "Narcissistic Rage." As previously noted, this concept encompasses more than just the psychological phenomenon of "group narcissism," and we elucidated the reasons behind the severe repercussions faced by individuals who choose to "break away” particularly those joining the US. Furthermore, a similarly intense form of narcissistic rage is exhibited when a nation dares to go to war with the British pirates.
Several countries have in their recent history experienced severe economic hardships or alarming inflation that is challenging to account for; notably, many of these nations have either recently engaged in conflict with the British or have historically triumphed over them—an occurrence that is quite rare. We will later analyze Afghanistan as a case illustrating "narcissistic rage." Additionally, let us propose a new hypothesis concerning Argentina: The AMIA bombing was orchestrated by the British military-industrial complex as retaliation for the Falklands War, but in reality, it represented a multifaceted operation with various objectives. The author identifies a specific British diplomat who operated between Iran and Argentina, likely serving as the primary organizer of British infiltrations into allegedly "Iran-affiliated" terrorist organizations who orchestrated the AMIA bombings. Unsurprisingly, the author refrains from disclosing the diplomat's name.
Before proceeding, I recommend conducting your own research on those who dispute Iran's involvement, focusing on the evident factors of motivation, capability, and historical context. Investigate the collaboration between Iran and Argentina, as engaging in such detrimental actions would be contrary to Iran's national interests. Furthermore, compare the capabilities of Iranians in South America during that period with any historical precedents of similar activities in the region.
Secondly, it is essential to recognize that even if we accept the narrative of connections to Hezbollah and Iran, it remains crucial to investigate the affiliations of these individuals to determine whether they received only local support in Iran or possess more intricate networks. We have elucidated how the British specifically utilize Iranians for covert operations.
Before addressing the diplomat I believe should be questioned regarding the AMIA and possessing relevant knowledge, let us consider another protocol presented in more details later. There exists a third party with a longstanding history of corrupting politicians in both Iran and Argentina. This entity employs intricate strategies to exert pressure on powerful politicians—who are not easily corrupted—by threatening to frame them for crimes that would render them international fugitives, thus jeopardizing their political futures if they refuse to cooperate. I term this strategy the "mahout protocol," which serves to control high-profile individuals, and it will be examined in detail, particularly in the context of how the British suffered another episode of the narcissistic rage when President Rafsanjani attempted to engage in arms deals with the United States and Israel and the British badly wanted to punish him by getting their “guys” to expose the deal.
From a criminological perspective, in addition to above “mahout protocol" aimed at Iranians as well as the “wedge protocol” between Iran and Israel, there exists another motivation for this third party in selecting Argentina as a venue for their framing strategy against Iranians. This choice is informed by a prior conflict with Argentina, in which they incurred significant losses, including the deaths of several individuals associated with the British Navy. We will explore the corrupting influence of the British old navy in both Australia and Iran in greater depth. The timing of the AMIA bombing is intricately linked to these tensions with Argentina.
For the sake of discussion, let us assign the fictional name "David Runaway" to the individual of interest. He served as a British diplomat in Iran, likely affiliated with the British intelligence service, from 1977 to 1980. Notably, he worked in the Malvinas islands in Argentina (referred to as the Falkland Islands by the British) from 1984 to 1986, shortly after the conflict between the UK and Argentina over these islands.
In a manner similar to the framing and coercion tactics employed against Iranian politicians, it is reasonable to surmise that the British may have targeted certain Argentine patriots whom they viewed with animosity and wished to punish or "frame." To add further intrigue, David returned to Tehran from 1990 to 1993. Around this period, two significant terrorist attacks against Jewish targets in Argentina occurred in 1992 and 1994. Even more compelling is that David initiated another assignment in Buenos Aires in 1993, coinciding with the escalating tensions and subsequent events surrounding the AMIA bombing.
He has held positions in Canada and Turkey related to other similar matters not discussed here. His appointment in Iran in 1990 coincides with a significant operation by MICix, aimed at executing the final phase of a series of coups within Iranian intelligence. This operation culminated in a chain of murders targeting intellectuals and resulted in a total takeover of the agency.
During a trip to a European country known for its pro-Israeli and anti-fascist policies, the author attempted to connect with individuals at the Argentine embassy. Despite numerous complaints to Australian authorities regarding horrific crimes against him, his communications went unanswered, indicating a lack of genuine freedom. When approaching the Argentine diplomatic mission, the author noted a flurry of "diplomatic" cars departing, leading to suspicion that British officials had falsely labeled him as a security threat. On a day designated for public access to the embassy, the doors were locked, and no one was present. The sudden decision by Argentina to ban Hezbollah several days later raises important questions about the influence and communication tactics of the British security apparatus. This swift action suggests that there may have been misleading or alarmist information conveyed to the Argentine government, another example of “wedge protocols”.
I also reached out to the Israeli embassy in Canberra to draw attention to this hypothesis. I anticipated a significant shift in the rhetoric of Israel and its Australian lobby; however, I was taken aback by the lack of response. This experience reaffirmed my concerns that the infiltration of MICix within Israel is likely more severe than that of Iranian intelligence and Hezbollah. I refer to these individuals as Kapos and assert that they do not represent true "pro-Israel lobbies." The involvement of the British diplomat is so evident that even a high school student could readily assess the facts available online. If individuals continue to rely on mainstream media narratives and cast blame on certain members of Hezbollah—who are, in reality, manipulated by MICix—they are undermining both the Jewish community and the national interests of Israel. It is my firm belief that the Israeli government should refrain from appointing diplomats from English-speaking countries. While I hesitate to generalize, there is a strong likelihood that many of them may fall into the category of "Kapos." I hold deep respect for the nationalistic sentiments among Israeli citizens and advocate for their vigilance in safeguarding Israel against right-wing politicians and extremist evangelicals who profess to support the nation, yet serve the interests of warmongers and MICix. These individuals pose the foremost and most significant threat to Israel's existence.
In 2019, names of individuals purportedly overseeing ground operations were finally disclosed. Prior to this, the only names released were those of high-ranking Iranian officials, who appeared to be framed by MICix to ensure compliance, despite lacking any evidence connecting them to the alleged conspiracy. For reasons I will not elaborate on here, I am convinced that all the identified on-ground operatives have ties to the British MICix and have effectively infiltrated Iranian agencies and Hezbollah. A noteworthy case involves an attaché at the Iranian embassy in Buenos Aires, who was assigned to Argentina shortly after the Malvinas war in 1983. I suspect that the aforementioned British diplomat, residing in Tehran, played a role in corrupting him and facilitating his transfer to Buenos Aires. The unfortunate individual was preoccupied with pursuing "subliminal messages," oblivious to the fact that he was being manipulated in a trivial game of "metadata," a tactic that was later utilized in the Hariri terrorism case as well.
Hezbollah: The British fighting French influence?
The majority of the hypotheses presented in this section remain consistent with those from the first edition published in the past.
Individuals interested in the history of Lebanese Hezbollah should start by exploring the life of Imam Musa Al-Sadr. The author has highlighted the scarcity of progressive clergy among Iranians, making Imam Musa Al-Sadr a significant exception and a favorite of the author's father. The ties between him and various American and French entities bolster earlier discussions regarding the more progressive factions within the Iranian government with pro-US and pro-French leanings. In light of previous remarks concerning the series of suspicious murders of Iranian intellectuals, Imam Al-Sadr's name (along with Chamran) should be included among those pro-US and pro-French intellectuals who faced tragic fates.
Recently, the author discovered a previously overlooked section of Alam's memoir, where the former Iranian king provides a strikingly insightful analysis of the coup that installed Qaddafi. In this excerpt, written the day after the coup, the king posits [X] that the British were the sole actors behind this takeover, implying a deliberate and singular influence shaping the outcome. The author posits that in both Libya and Syria, much like in Iran as previously discussed, the British established their own branches of the security apparatus. These branches operated independently and were entirely unresponsive to the heads of state. The relevance to the story of Musa Al-Sadr lies in the fact that he vanished in Libya, with Qaddafi publicly claiming to know nothing about that matter as well as regarding Pan Am flight accident, while officially confessing Libyan agents were involved in the latter. The author proposes that both the assassination of CIA personnel in Benghazi and the Pan Am flight accident may be linked to rogue members and offshoots of the previously mentioned British-influenced security apparatus operating in Libya. This connection suggests a deeper involvement of these factions in orchestrating such significant incidents within the geopolitical landscape of the region.
Possibly, certain elements within the “complex” possessed information regarding this matter, which they chose to withhold as it aligned with their long-term financial interests, including oil interests in Libya and Egypt.
Two progressive figures who engaged with Shia in Lebanon, Chamran and Sadegh Ghotbzadeh, belonged to a faction known as the "Syrian mafia" within Khomeini's court. There was notable tension between this group and the Libya-friendly faction led by Mohammad Montazeri. Interestingly, this situation recalls Mehdi Hashemi, a relative of Montazeri, whose actions were discussed before in relation to the British MIC's attempts to punish President Rafsanjani for his outreach to the US and Israel. It's important to note that both Lebanon and Syria were part of the French mandate, which shaped their political landscapes and relationships. In contrast, Libya served as a focal point and a fault line in the Franco-British struggle for African colonies, highlighting distinct colonial influences and rivalries in the region. This historical context is essential for understanding the geopolitical dynamics at play in these countries.
The author contends that, similar to the "coups" within Iranian agencies aimed at replacing progressive elements with loyalists of the British MIC, a comparable operation was initiated by the MIC in Lebanon to infiltrate Shia society. This operation allegedly led to the elimination of Al-Sadr and the elevation of several agents to high-ranking positions within Hezbollah. The author argues that these elements are responsible for most acts of terrorism attributed to Hezbollah.
To further underscore the influence of pro-British elements over pro-US and pro-French factions, the author notes that one of the most horrific terrorist acts in Lebanon targeted US and French personnel, while failing to recall any attacks against British interests in the country.
